French Cʁ#C sequences (eg. quatre sacs /katʁ#sak/, four bags) tend to violate the Sonority Sequencing Principle. This study investigates the realization of Cʁ#C sequences in continuous speech using large corpora: the formal journalistic speech corpus ESTER, the conversational journalistic speech corpus ETAPE and the casual speech corpus NCCFr. Results show that the absence/presence of /ʁ/ is dependent on the absence/presence of schwa: /ʁ/ is almost never absent when schwa is inserted (eg. [katʁə#sak]). Different speech styles trigger different strategies: the more formal the speech style is, the more we observe schwa insertion and the less we observe /ʁ/ deletion (ESTER: 65% schwa insertion, 15% /ʁ/ deletion; NCCFr: 13% schwa insertion, 69% /ʁ/ deletion). Interestingly, the absence/presence of /ʁ/ tends to be related to the durations of the surrounding consonants (Cs in [C(ʁ)#C]) while schwa is not inserted, namely the absence of /K/ correlates with shorter duration.