Des définis para-intensionnels : être à l'hôpital, aller à l'école
Résumé
Starting from the notion of défini intensionnel due to N. Furukawa, the paper revisits the nature of the definite NPs in the "social routine" (Vandeloise 1997) readings of definite NPs. In contrast to what is commonly assumed, it is established that these definites have all the dynamic discursive properties of specific definites. An analysis of these definites as a special case of "associative" use (Hawkins 1978), grounded on the activation of the telic qualia (Pustejovsky 1995) of the lexical head of the definite NP is proposed, which tries to explain why this "social routine" reading emerges only for some localisation préposition (à in French) but not for the others.
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