Overt vs. null subjects in infinitival constructions in Colombian Spanish
Résumé
Standard approaches predict complementary distribution between referentially free (overt/null) subjects and referentially dependent PRO-type null subjects. This generalization is challenged by Colombian Spanish non-finite adjuncts, which allow both overt subjects and referentially free null subjects. We uncover an intricate pattern of distribution and interpretation along two criteria: Obligatory vs. Non-Obligatory Control (OC vs. NOC) and whether the controllee is silent or an obligatory-controlled overt pronoun (covert vs. so-called "overt PRO"). The distribution of sloppy readings with null subjects provides arguments for analyzing NOC as DP-ellipsis. We also show that both covert and overt PRO display the canonical diagnostics of OC except in one context. While they both only allow bound variable construals under ellipsis, overt PRO also allows co-reference when its controller is associated with focus. This paradox follows on the assumption that while both null and overt anaphors must be syntactically bound, only null anaphors are necessarily semantically bound.
Domaines
LinguistiqueOrigine | Fichiers éditeurs autorisés sur une archive ouverte |
---|---|
Licence |