Via detailed comparative-historical survey, this paper elucidates the nature and chronology of analogical changes affecting Occitan (Gallo-Romance) preterite forms in their development from Latin perfect forms. For each of the four major dialect areas represented in the Provence region of France (Rhône valley, coastal zone, Alps, and Nice), a review of modern data identifies the substantive changes which have occurred, including the generalisation of thematic -r- across personal forms, the neutralisation of traditional conjugational distinctions, and the spread of a thematic velar across multiple lexemes. Approximate datations for the observed changes are established by examining preterite attestations in historical texts from Provence, revealing the relative chronology of the developments: for example, the extension of thematic -r- across preterite forms is found to coincide with the loss of the ‘old conditional’ (reflex of Latin pluperfect indicative), supporting the hypothesis of a merger between the two series of forms. The substance and relative chronology of the changes are consistent across the survey area, and also correspond to observations made for the adjoining Languedoc region, indicating that a common developmental pathway can be assumed for Occitan preterite forms across Provence and the Languedoc.