Studies of articulatory reorganization occurring under rate-driven production pressure can provide a window into speech planning. Previous work shows evidence for stable coordinative structures in speech in which VC patterns reorganize to CV, VCC to CCV, and coronal-labial to labial-coronal order. Such stable modes are argued to result from general physical-biological constraints imposed by the articulatory/auditory system. Here we examine whether stable modes can also arise from linguistic patterns learned on a language-specific basis. The case study is Georgian, which licenses complex onsets disregarding sonority, following instead a phasing pattern whereby degree of overlap varies with order of constriction location (front-to-back /pt/ sequences are more overlapped than back-to-front /tp/). We analyze preliminary data from native speakers repeating the Georgian words [pata] and [tapa] as they tracked an accelerating metronome. Results show: 1) pAta>patA>pta (stress shift followed by elision, licensed by Georgian phonotactics); 2) tApa>tAp (elision only; consistent with Georgian order constraints, not with biomechanical constraints). These patterns are contrasted with similar data from French in which elision is not observed, consistent with French phonotactics. The data thus provide an example in which language-specific structure rather than biomechanical constraints alone mediate gestural reorganization.