This paper discusses the process of verbal reduplication in the Trinitario dialect of Mojeño, an Arawak language spoken in the Bolivian lowlands. Trinitario displays partial reduplication of the verb root. Reduplication of the final syllable of the root expresses repetition or attenuation of the event expressed by the verb. This paper revises the analysis of Trinitario reduplication patterns as presented in Gill (1957), in light of additional first-hand data and the recent identification of a prosodic vowel deletion rule. It points to a phonologically-conditioned allomorph of the basic reduplication pattern and to a second redu-plication pattern implying a double copy of the final syllable of the root. The major interest of the Trinitario data is to demonstrate the great complexity of the morphology-prosody interface. The regular processes of vowel deletion and compensatory lengthening indeed affect the base only after the copy is derived, which results in a surface pattern where the copy and the base do not look alike.