Spoken in the extreme northeastern part of the Tibetan plateau, Salar shares a long history of contact with the neighbouring Tibetic, Sinitic and Mongolic varieties (see e.g. Dwyer 1995, Janhunen 2007). Together with western Sarïgh Yugur/Yellow Uighur, it is the only Turkic language where subject indexation on the verb phrase is impossible (Johanson & Csató 1998: 52-53). Parallel to this loss, new, semantic-pragmatic oriented categories of evidentiality have developed, under the influence of Tibetan evidential categories. Comparison with the Tibetic language varieties spoken in the Salar speaking area shows that the Tibetan category of egophoricity is necessary for the description of a subset of evidential markers in Salar. This paper aims to highlight the coexistence of a direct vs. indirect opposition with an egophoric-heterophoric opposition in Salar, together with the extension of evidentiality to non-perfective aspects in this language.