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            <title xml:lang="en">The semantics and pragmatics of you ren ‘there is someone’ in Chinese</title>
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                <title xml:lang="en">The semantics and pragmatics of you ren ‘there is someone’ in Chinese</title>
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                    <forename type="first">Ludovica</forename>
                    <surname>Lena</surname>
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              <p>This contribution concerns Chinese biclausal “presentational” constructions introduced by the existential predicator yǒu ‘have, exist’. Examples of biclausal you-constructions put forward in the literature typically include quantified nouns (e.g. yí-ge rén ‘a person’) and the bare noun (BN) rén ‘person(s), someone’ denoting the general human referent (e.g. Yǒu rén qiāo mén ‘There is someone knocking at the door’, Lǚ 1942 [1985]: 101; Yǒu rén lái kàn nǐ ‘There is someone to see you’, Chao 1968: 727; Yǒu rén gěi nǐ dǎ-diànhuà ‘There is someone who telephoned you’, Li &amp; Thompson 1981: 131; Yǒu rén zǒu-le ‘There is someone who left’, Cài 2004). In this study I analyze the occurrence of the [yǒu + rén + VP] pattern in the BJKY spoken corpus of Mandarin Chinese. It is shown that rén can have either a specific or partitive reading when appearing within the biclausal you-structure. A number of properties activating the specific or partitive reading of the pivot are discussed, starting with the co-occurrence in the construction of an episodic/individual predicate (including both lexical and coerced meanings). Specific-reading [yǒu rén + VP] constructions can be considered eventive-presentational sentences, in that they put forward the occurrence of an event (LaPolla 1995: 317) where the entity (denoted by rén) is generally not referred to in the following text. On the other hand, partitive-reading [yǒu rén + VP] constructions are not “presentational” in essence: these forms do not intend to introduce a new referent or a new event into the discourse. Rather, the you-construction is used here to assign a partitive reading (‘some persons’) to the BN rén which otherwise receives a universal interpretation (‘all persons’) by default in preverbal position, a propositional semantic opposition different from pragmatic distinctions based on referent identifiability.</p>
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